the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.
the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.
Climatic and Societal Impacts of Volcanic Eruptions in the Western Han Dynasty (206 BCE–8 CE): A Comparative Study
Abstract. The Western Han dynasty (206 BCE–8 CE) experienced periods of extreme climate, accompanied by the evolving concept of the “mandate of heaven” that shaped societal response to disasters. While recent studies suggest that certain climate anomalies during the Han era are related to the atmospheric impacts of explosive volcanic eruptions, this paper employs both quantitative and qualitative methods to establish these associations more systematically. It categorizes and quantifies climatic stressors and selected societal events and applies superposed epoch analysis to examine the timing and statistical significance of their potential associations with ice-core-based dates of explosive eruptions. The paper then selects two historical periods, 180–150 BCE and 60–30 BCE, and offers a comparative analysis of recorded climatic and societal stresses, atmospheric optical anomalies, and societal responses to consecutive natural disasters. These periods are chosen because of the occurrence of massive volcanic eruptions known from polar ice-cores. For instance, in 43 BCE, when the Okmok volcano in Alaska erupted, a pale-blue sun and extreme summer cold are documented. Similarly, ice-cores identify a cluster of substantial eruptions in 168 BCE, 164 BCE, 161 BCE and 158 BCE that may have heavily impacted societies such as Egypt. Comparing the responses to the disasters of these periods also allow us to incorporate historical materials not suitable for quantification and to evaluate the effectiveness of Han dynasty disaster prevention and mitigation measures, thereby identifying factors that may contribute to better resilience to sudden and drastic environmental changes.
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Status: open (until 21 Feb 2025)
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RC1: 'Comment on cp-2024-77', Anonymous Referee #1, 14 Jan 2025
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General comments:
This manuscript presents a comprehensive study on the impacts of volcanic eruptions on climate and society during the Western Han Dynasty (206 BCE - 8 CE). The authors employ a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods to systematically link volcanic activity with climatic and societal stressors. By categorizing and quantifying climatic stressors and societal events, and utilizing superposed epoch analysis, the study reveals statistically significant associations between volcanic eruptions and increased frequencies of climate-related disasters. Additionally, the paper provides a comparative analysis of two specific periods marked by massive volcanic eruptions, showcasing different societal responses and the potential effectiveness of the Han dynasty's disaster mitigation measures. This research enhances our understanding of how past societies coped with environmental catastrophes and underscores the importance of historical records in assessing societal resilience to sudden environmental changes. The study is well-structured, with a clear methodology and robust analysis, offering valuable insights into the interplay between natural disasters and societal dynamics in ancient China.
Specific comments:
Line 119:It is recommended to provide a brief introduction to Emperor Wen of Han, such as "the fifth Emperor of the Han Dynasty," in parentheses. Similarly, several Chinese historical terms are not explained upon their first appearance. Examples include "Yin and Yang" in line 466 and "Gong Yu" in line 566. It is advised to review the entire text and offer brief explanations of these ancient Chinese terms when they first appear.
Line 130-142: This paragraph only describes the original sources of climate-related descriptions. However, the reader would also like to know which types of climate-related records (e.g., frost, snow, thunder, drought, flood, etc.) have been extracted from these historical documents. It is also recommended to present this information in table form in section 2.1, detailing the types of data extracted from historical documents and the number of records for each type.
Line 149: The manuscript mentions that there were no pre-existing compilations of Han harvest conditions. However, there are indeed studies on the harvest of the Han Dynasty. The following literature is provided for reference.
[1] Yin J , Su Y , Fang X .Relationships between temperature change and grain harvest fluctuations in China from 210 BC to 1910 AD[J].Quaternary International, 2015, 355:153-163.
[2] Yun S , Xiuqi F , Jun Y .Impact of climate change on fluctuations of grain harvests in China from the Western Han Dynasty to the Five Dynasties (206 BC–960 AD)[J].Science China Earth Sciences, 2014(07):1701-1712.
[3] Fang X Q, Su Y, Yin J, et al. 2015. Transmission of climate change impacts from temperature change to grain harvests, famines and peasant uprisings in the historical China. Science China: Earth Sciences, 2015,58(8):1427-1439.
Line 159-160: It is suggested that the territory of the Han Dynasty, along with major areas and important place names (such as Hangu Pass) mentioned in the text, should be illustrated here.
Line 200: It is necessary to explain here (similarly to the expression in lines 252-253) why disasters are categorized into two groups: those with famine and plague, and those without.
Figure 1 (top panel): I have the following two suggestions.
(1)The figure is not clear enough. It is recommended to mark the meaning of the ordinate on the graph. Since most values in the figure are below 25, it is advisable to set the value range of the ordinate to 0-25 and enlarge the smallest unit to show the differences among different indicators more clearly.
(2)The annotations in the figure need further explanation. For instance, Gu (谷), Su (粟), and Mi (米) should be identified according to modern taxonomy. Additionally, clarify the unit "shi" and provide its conversion relationship with the current international unit.
Line 383-395: According to Line 383-385, the grain price ranged from 200 (in the capital) to 500 (in Guandong) in 42 BCE, while the grain price was 300 in 47 BCE according to line 395. It is unclear how the conclusion was reached that grain prices were higher in 42 BCE than in 47 BCE.
Line 431-443: The interpretation of the net general outcome for warfare and rebellion frequencies as a reduction one-year post-eruption is debatable. While I agree with the authors that revolts led by vassal kings, marquises, or rebellions may be caused by political reasons, many studies argue that one of the significant reasons for conflicts between agricultural civilizations and nomadic civilizations is climate change. As mentioned in lines 440-443, there are indeed records of wars between the Han government and the Xiongnu following the volcanic eruption period. It is suggested that this issue be discussed in greater detail or that the relevant wording in this paragraph be modified. The following literature is provided for reference.
[1] Pei Q, Lee H F, Zhang D D, et al. Climate change, state capacity and nomad–agriculturalist conflicts in Chinese history[J]. Quaternary International, 2019, 508: 36-42.
[2] Su Y, Liu L, Fang X Q, et al. The relationship between climate change and wars waged between nomadic and farming groups from the Western Han Dynasty to the Tang Dynasty period[J]. Climate of the Past, 2016, 12(1): 137-150.
Figure 4: It is recommended to add a style annotation for volcanic eruption dates to the legend.
Line 605-661: The last few paragraphs of the conclusion chapter seem more like content suited for the discussion chapter. It is recommended to change the chapter title to "Conclusion and Discussion" or to divide the conclusion and discussion into two separate chapters.
Supplements: There are errors in the translation and interpretation of historical documents, especially in the Table S1. Here are a few examples.
(1) Line 52: “蓝田山” is not the name of a specific mountain, but generally refer to a mountain in Lantian county.
(2) Line 129, 145 and 170: “Xiongnu” is the name of a nomadic people, not a place name.
(3) Line 149: “Weiqiao” (渭桥):means a bridge over the Wei River and cannot be used as a location name. Similarly, "commanderies and kingdoms" (“郡国”in line 166, 174, 177 and 198) cannot be used as a location name, either.
Technical corrections:
Line 179: The reference here should be Gao et., 2021.
Citation: https://doi.org/10.5194/cp-2024-77-RC1
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